Asiatiske sikkerhetsstudier

Kinas og Indias vekst fører til en maktforskyvning mot Asia.

Om noen tiår kan vi stå overfor et internasjonalt maktsystem der spesielt Kina vil tre frem som en ny supermakt med kapasitet til å benytte militærmakt også utenfor regionen. Senter for asiatiske sikkerhetsstudier analyserer denne utviklingen og mulige konsekvenser for Norge og Europa.

Senter for asiatiske sikkerhetsstudier bygger nettverk med institusjoner og forskere i Asia, Europa og USA. En viktig samarbeidspartner er Robert S. Ross, professor i statsvitenskap ved Boston College og professor II ved John King Fairbank Center for Chinese Studies ved Harvard University og ved Forsvarets høgskole.

 Artikler og kapitler i bøker om asiatisk sikkerhet



Grønning, Bjørn. 2017. "Japan's security cooperation with the Philippines and Vietnam". Pacific Review, online 20 Nov 2017: 1-20Grønning, Bjørn. 2017. "Japan's security cooperation with the Philippines and Vietnam". Pacific Review, online 20 Nov 2017: 1-20<p>​<span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">Japan is abandoning its once unidirectional foreign security policy towards the USA, two notable examples of which are its increasingly comprehensive and substantial security relations with the Philippines and Vietnam. </span></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">Putting these burgeoning Japanese security partnerships front and center, this paper asks the following questions: </span></p><p></p><p></p><ul class="forsvaretElement-p"><li>What are the characteristics of Japan's maturing security partnerships with the Philippines and Vietnam? <br></li><li>What factors have driven and enabled their recent emergence? <br></li><li>What promotes and constrains their future development? <br></li><li>What do these maturing Japanese non-US security partnerships reveal about Japan's direction as a security actor in and beyond East Asia? <br></li></ul><p></p><p></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">The paper finds that these two Japanese security bilaterals, which have six basic characteristics in common, are fundamentally driven by the contemporary shift in the balance of power and the strategic challenge that China's emerging maritime power and ambitions present Japan. It moreover argues that the substantiation of these security partnerships have been pursued under American auspices and further invited by Japanese nationalism and security legislative reforms. </span></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">Notwithstanding these encouraging factors, however, domestic and geo-strategic constraints and counter incentives lead this paper to expect further substantiation, but limited military significance in the future of these security partnerships.</span><br></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;"><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/09512748.2017.1397730" target="_blank">Go to the homepage of Taylor&Francis to download the article from Pacific Review (restricted access).</a></span></p>
Bowers, Ian. 2017. "Power Asymmetry and the Role of Deterrence in the South China Sea". Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 29 (4): 551–573Bowers, Ian. 2017. "Power Asymmetry and the Role of Deterrence in the South China Sea". Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 29 (4): 551–573<p>​China’s coercive activities in the South China Sea have resulted in a lively academic debate regarding strategies to deter Beijing and maintain the status quo. However, much of this literature has been dominated by the U.S.–China dynamic and has neglected the vital role of the littoral states in the region. </p><p>This article, through the lens of a maritime strategic environment, deals with the potential for the littoral nations of the South China Sea to deter China. It argues that conventional deterrence by denial is a difficult but applicable strategy despite the substantial power asymmetry that exists between China and the littoral states in the region. However, such a deterrent approach must be tailored to the specific, non-existential challenges that China poses in the region. Among these challenges, this article examines deterrence within the context of China’s claim to the Spratly Islands and expansive claims to economic exploitation rights. </p><p>A maritime strategic environment provides multiple avenues to impose cost on a superior power and the littoral states in the region have invested heavily in naval capabilities. However, as this article finds, it remains to be seen if the littoral states in the region have the technical capability or political will to successfully enact such a deterrent strategy. <a href="/ifs/ForsvaretDocuments/Korean%20Journal%20of%20Defense%20Analysis%2004_Ian%20Bowers.pdf"><img class="ms-asset-icon ms-rtePosition-4" src="/_layouts/15/images/icpdf.png" alt="" />Korean Journal of Defense Analysis 04_Ian Bowers.pdf</a> (Open Access)<br></p><p><a href="http://www.kida.re.kr/frt/contents/frtContents.do?sidx=1508&depth=3">Go to the homepage of Korea Institute for Defense Analysis</a><br></p>
Bekkevold, Jo Inge and Sunniva Engh. 2017. «Silk Road Diplomacy: China’s Strategic Interests in South Asia». In South Asia and the Great Powers: International Relations and Regional Security, edited by Stein Rynning. I.B. TaurisBekkevold, Jo Inge and Sunniva Engh. 2017. «Silk Road Diplomacy: China’s Strategic Interests in South Asia». In South Asia and the Great Powers: International Relations and Regional Security, edited by Stein Rynning. I.B. Tauris<p>​Where the implications of war and peace are open to question, the possibility of change depends more on politics than economics. This book asks whether the region's great powers can overcome opposing interests and commit to political restraint. The concept of regional security is based on great power support for regional order. However, there are many pitfalls to consider: notably, the politics of contested nationalisms; the Asia-Pacific rivalry of China and the US; and India's inclinations to function - or be seen - as a benevolent hegemon for the region. </p><p>Yet there are signs of renewed determination to move the region in new directions. While China's Silk Road projects are long-term regional investments that hinge on regional stability, the US is attempting to fashion new partnerships and India strives to reconcile regional differences to promote a peaceful environment.</p><p>This book, as it sets out the emerging agendas of the great powers and local powers, makes a significant contribution to a better understanding of the international relations and diplomatic politics of South Asia.<br></p><p><a href="http://www.ibtauris.com/en/Books/Society%20%20social%20sciences/Politics%20%20government/International%20relations/Geopolitics/South%20Asia%20and%20the%20Great%20Powers%20International%20Relations%20and%20Regional%20Security?menuitem=%7bF66D6451-D7DF-403F-A234-82FAE9B3F795%7d">Read more about the book on the I.T. Tauris' website</a><br></p>
Røseth, Tom. 2017. "Russia’s energy relations with China: passing the strategic threshold?" Eurasian Geography and Economics. online 16 MarchRøseth, Tom. 2017. "Russia’s energy relations with China: passing the strategic threshold?" Eurasian Geography and Economics. online 16 March<p>​<span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">This article examines Russian energy policies toward China over the past decade as reluctant engagement changed into a priority energy partnership. </span></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">From 2008 to 2016 Russian and Chinese companies signed several major oil and gas agreements, a period in which Moscow reassessed China as a future energy consumer and lifted bilateral cooperation to a new level. The article utilizes the strategic partnership concept as an analytical framework and finds traditional realist concepts and hedging inadequate for this particular case. </span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">T</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">he study illuminates Russian geopolitical considerations and acceptance of vulnerability, which combined make long-term Russian energy policies more China dependent. </span></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">Officially, Russia seeks diversification among Asian energy buyers, but its focus has increasin</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">gly b</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">een on China. Western sanctions imposed in 2014 for Russia’s role in Ukraine accelerated this trend. Moscow’s </span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">energy policies</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;"> toward Beijing with its pipelines and long-term agreements are permanent arrangements that resemble strategic</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;"> partnership policies. China is eager to increase energy relations with Russian companies, but Beijing also ensures that it does not become too dependent on one supplier. Russian concern over its increased dependence on China i</span><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;">n the East is deemed secondary to expanding Russia’s customer base beyond the still-dominant European market.</span></p><p><span style="color:#333333;font-family:"open sans", sans-serif;font-size:17.6px;"><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/15387216.2017.1304229" target="_blank">To read the full article, visit the Eurasian Geography and Economics's website (limited access)​</a></span></p><p><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:"segoe ui", sans-serif;">Hvis du mangler tilgang: kontakt Forsvarets høgskolens bibliotek:<span class="apple-converted-space"> </span></span><span style="font-size:11pt;font-family:calibri, sans-serif;"><a href="mailto:bibl@fhs.mil.no"><span style="font-size:10pt;font-family:"segoe ui", sans-serif;color:#663399;">bibl@fhs.mil.no</span></a></span>​<br></p>
Hsiung, Christopher Weidacher. 2016. "China and Arctic energy: drivers and limitations." Polar Journal, online 26 OctoberHsiung, Christopher Weidacher. 2016. "China and Arctic energy: drivers and limitations." Polar Journal, online 26 October<p>​​​China's growing demand for oil and gas is forcing the country to look abroad to secure new sources of imports. The Arctic region could function as such a source, and Chinese oil companies have already started to engage in oil and gas exploration and production there. </p><p>The literature has tended to take this as evidence that China will become an increasingly active and important player in Arctic oil and gas resource developments. This article, however, argues that China's Arctic oil and gas interests are in fact modest. Domestic views on Chinese involvement in Arctic gas and resource development have been mixed and cautious, indicating a wait-and-see approach. There have been few concrete Chinese investments, further indicating limited interest. Only the onshore Yamal LNG project in the Russian Arctic can be characterised as substantial Chinese participation. </p><p>The challenges and high costs of oil and gas production in the Arctic, China's increased import options, the current economic slowdown in China and security developments in the Arctic region all impact China's motivations and possibilities for participation in the development of Arctic energy resources.</p><a href="https://www.fni.no/publications/china-and-arctic-energy-drivers-and-limitations-article1143-290.html" target="_blank"><p>The article is part of a project run by ​​The Fridtjof Nansen Institute. Go the institute's website to access the article.​</p></a>

 Bøker og rapporter om asiatisk sikkerhet



Geopolitiske utviklingstrekkGeopolitiske utviklingstrekkhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/Forskning/Asiatiske-sikkerhetsstudier/Geopolitiske-utviklingstrekk
Bekkevold & Till (eds.): International Order at Sea<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/Bekkevold%20ios%202016%20ingress.jpg" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Bekkevold & Till (eds.): International Order at SeaInternationally renowned experts within maritime studies examines how international order at sea is challenged, changed and maintained.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/Publications/Books/bekkevold-till-international-order-at-sea
Tunsjø&Ross (eds.) Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of China<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/Tunsjo%20og%20Ross%20forside_nett.jpg" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Tunsjø&Ross (eds.) Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of ChinaStructural and domestic variables influence how East Asian states adjust their strategy in light of the rise of China.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/Publikasjoner/strategic-adjustment-and-the-rise-of-china

 Avholdte seminarer og konferanser



Security, strategy and Military Change in the 21st Century<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/130516-F-XL333-538.JPG" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Security, strategy and Military Change in the 21st CenturyOn June 9, the book Security, Strategy and Military Change in the 21st Century: Cross-Regional Perspectives was launched at IFS.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/seminar_9_june_security_21st_cent

 Ansatte ved Senter for asiatisk sikkerhet



Basit, SairaBasit, Sairahttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/basit_saira
Bekkevold, Jo IngeBekkevold, Jo Ingehttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/bekkevold_jo-inge
Bowers, IanBowers, Ianhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/ansatte-ved-ifs/bowers-ian-no
Flåten, Lars ToreFlåten, Lars Torehttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/flaten_lars_tore_no
Hsiung, Christopher WeidacherHsiung, Christopher Weidacherhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/hsiung_christopher_weidacher
Tunsjø, ØysteinTunsjø, Øysteinhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/tunsjo_oystein

Publisert 1. oktober 2014 15:08.. Sist oppdatert 6. september 2017 16:08.