| Martinsen, Kåre Dahl. 2019. “Germany and the Afghanistan war dead”, i Martin Clauss (red), Vom Umgang mit den Toten, Paderborn: Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, 2019, 345-361. | Martinsen, Kåre Dahl. 2019. “Germany and the Afghanistan war dead”, i Martin Clauss (red), Vom Umgang mit den Toten, Paderborn: Verlag Ferdinand Schöningh, 2019, 345-361. | |
| Zysk. Katarzyna. 2019. "Russia's Strategic Underbelly: Military Strategy, Capabilities, and Opearations in the Arctic". I The Russian Military in Contemporary Perspective, ed. by Stephen Blank, 687–724. | Zysk. Katarzyna. 2019. "Russia's Strategic Underbelly: Military Strategy, Capabilities, and Opearations in the Arctic". I The Russian Military in Contemporary Perspective, ed. by Stephen Blank, 687–724. | <p>Published by <span lang="EN-US" style="font-size:11pt;font-family:calibri, sans-serif;"><a href="https://ssi.armywarcollege.edu/pubs/display.cfm?pubID=1389">Strategic StudiesInstitute of the U.S. Army War College</a></span><br></p> |
| Bækken, Håvard. 2019. The Return to Patriotic Education in Post-Soviet Russia: How, When, and Why the Russian Military Engaged in Civilian Nation Building. Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. Vol. 5, No. 1 (2019) | Bækken, Håvard. 2019. The Return to Patriotic Education in Post-Soviet Russia: How, When, and Why the Russian Military Engaged in Civilian Nation Building. Journal of Soviet and Post-Soviet Politics and Society. Vol. 5, No. 1 (2019) | <p>This article examines the military origins of the Russian
State Program of Patriotic Education. It documents how the policy
was incubated within the Ministry of Defense and had found much of
its form and content before Vladimir Putin became Russia’s president.
To a degree often forgotten, patriotic education was shaped by
circumstances of crisis and social destabilization. In response to
failed nation building and rising concerns over youth behavior,
military values and aesthetics were taken up as a means to cure social
ills and moral vices and to counter the influx of western values. The
military actors involved sought not only to increase the prestige of
military service. Equally important was the fact that patriotic
education served as a form of social outreach, based on a
traditionalist worldview. Soviet and Russian soldiers were seen as
important role models for the young, and the Armed Forces as a
bearer of historical continuity and “Russianness.” Thus, already
before Putin’s presidency, the regime invited the military into the
heart of civilian affairs, presenting military traditionalism with a
stronghold within the domain of official nation building. Under Putin,
too, patriotic education policies continue to bear the strong imprint
of their origins in crisis and failed nation building in the 1990s.<br></p> |
| Martinsen, Kåre Dahl 2019. Defeating TTIP: the French and German parliaments compared”. Journal of Transatlantic Studies (JTS) 2019, september, 1-18. | Martinsen, Kåre Dahl 2019. Defeating TTIP: the French and German parliaments compared”. Journal of Transatlantic Studies (JTS) 2019, september, 1-18. | <p class="forsvaretElement-p">After a start marked by great optimism on both sides of the Atlantic, negotiations for a Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership ended in 2016 after the German government decided to withdraw. Soon after, France followed suit. This was unexpected. The EU favoured the Partnership, and so did the German and French governments. Most expected French opposition to free trade to cause problems and Germany to welcome TTIP. As shown here, the opposite happened. The explanation is partly how the governments framed the Partnership: in France as an instrument ensuring influence over international trade, in Germany as a purely commercial arrangement. Parliaments in the two countries approached TTIP differently: the Assemblée nationale made its own analyses and arranged hearings often attended by the government; the Bundestag remained passive and contacts with the government on TTIP were limited. Despite the fact that the German assembly is vested with far stronger formal powers than the French, they were not used. Attempts are made to explain the passivity displayed by German MPs.<br></p><p class="forsvaretElement-p">Read the article from <a href="https://link.springer.com/article/10.1057/s42738-019-00029-7">Springer Link: Journal of Transatlantic Studies</a><br></p> |