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Asian Security Studies

​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​The growth of China and India is shifting the balance of power towards Asia.
 
In a few decades we may be facing an international power system in which China has emerged as a new superpower with the capacity to use military force outside the region. The Centre for Asian Security Studies analyses these developments and what they could mean for Norway and Europe.​​​​​​


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 Peer-reviewed articles and chapters about Asian security

 

 

Øystein Tunsjø, 2013. Europe’s Favourable Isolation. Survival 55(6): 91–106Øystein Tunsjø, 2013. Europe’s Favourable Isolation. Survival 55(6): 91–106<p>The global power shift from the West to the East is contributing to an increasingly Asia-centric world and Europe's isolation from great-power politics. Economic crises and internal difficulties in European countries limit the role that they can play in global affairs. Simultaneously, two costly wars and economic turmoil have prompted the United States to prioritise East Asia in its foreign and defence policy. The US will rebalance towards the Asia-Pacific and China, and maintain its commitments towards the Middle East, but will scale back its presence in Europe.</p><p>Europe will necessarily play an insignificant role in great-power politics in Asia. But if European countries become accustomed to no longer being at the centre of world politics – and the United Kingdom, France and Germany in particular adjust to their declining significance – this marginalisation could be to their benefit. Indeed, the current global power shift from the West to the East offers an opportunity to avoid the traditionally destructive conflicts of 'high politics'; revitalise the EU; maintain NATO's relevance; strengthen Europe's neighbourhood policy in the Arctic, Eastern Europe, the Middle East and North Africa; ensure stability throughout Europe; and promote European countries' global economic interests.</p><p>The US stayed out of conflicts in Europe up until the First World War and relied on strengthening its position in the Western Hemisphere to expand its global commercial and security interests. The US sought to keep extra-hemispheric actors out and avoided being dragged into great-power conflicts in Europe. At the same time, it enlarged the scope of the Monroe Doctrine and went beyond isolationism by promoting regional political, economic and security cooperation, and establishing institutions to facilitate common hemispheric interests. America's neighbourhood policy, global economic ambition and avoidance of great-power conflicts in Europe facilitated its rise as the world's leading power. Its share of global wealth increased from 12% in 1830 to 38% in 1900. The US only assumed 'responsibility from the regional great powers for the balance of power in the transoceanic regions', as Robert S. Ross has put it, when it could no longer keep Europe and East Asia divided by relying on great-power balancing, and a great power threatened to achieve regional hegemony and expand into the Western Hemisphere.</p><p><a href="http://www.iiss.org/en/publications/survival/sections/2013-94b0/survival--global-politics-and-strategy-december-2013-january-2014-0fda/55-6-06-tunsjo-fa5a" target="_blank">Full text article in Survivor (online subscription)</a></p>
Ian Bowers. 2014. "The Republic of Korea and Its Navy: Perceptions of Security and the Utility of Seapower". Journal of Strategic Studies 37 (3): 442–464Ian Bowers. 2014. "The Republic of Korea and Its Navy: Perceptions of Security and the Utility of Seapower". Journal of Strategic Studies 37 (3): 442–464<p>​Understanding the development of Republic of Korea (ROK) seapower is central in exploring the evolution and nature of its security consciousness. This article aims to examine how the wider East Asian maritime sphere has influenced ROK perceptions of its own security and how such perceptions have come into conflict with the needs of maintaining its deterrent capabilities within the peninsular context. In doing so it concludes that for the ROK seapower has been an expression of wider engagement and international developing security concerns but that it is curtailed and influenced by the realities of the threat from the North.</p><p><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01402390.2014.900754">Full text article in Journal of Strategic Studies (online subscription)</a></p>
Tom Røseth. 2014. "Russia's China Policy in the Arctic". Strategic Analysis 38 (6): 841–859Tom Røseth. 2014. "Russia's China Policy in the Arctic". Strategic Analysis 38 (6): 841–859<p>​This article discusses the type of partnership Russia pursues towards China in the Arctic. Through evidence, the author finds that while Russia may be aiming for an overall strategic partnership, Arctic developments on the whole conclude on a pragmatic approach. Russia needs assistance to develop the Arctic and an eastward diversification is opportune. Russia’s energy development in the Arctic indicates an emerging strategic co-operation with China, but policies towards Beijing concerning the Arctic Council and the Northern Sea Route prove to be more pragmatic. The general bilateral relationship gives incentives for expanding co-operation to the Arctic, but Russia’s sovereignty and security concerns limit the opportunities.</p><p><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/09700161.2014.952942" target="_blank">Full text article in Strategic Analysis (subscription)</a></p>
Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning. 2014. "Japan's shifting military priorities: counterbalancing China's rise". Asian Security 10 (1): 1–21Bjørn Elias Mikalsen Grønning. 2014. "Japan's shifting military priorities: counterbalancing China's rise". Asian Security 10 (1): 1–21<p>​This article analyses the most recent phase of Japan's security policy reform, focusing on its shifting priorities towards the Japan Self-Defense Forces and the Japan–US alliance since mid-2010. From a realist perspective, it argues that these shifting military priorities first and foremost represent a traditional counterbalancing response to China's rise. Conforming to the logic inherent in balance of threat theory, it moreover argues that this balancing behavior is explained by a confluence of two primary factors, namely Japanese perceptions of aggressive Chinese behavior in the maritime domain and concerns relating to the changing distribution of capabilities in China's favor<em>.</em></p><p><a href="http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/14799855.2013.870157">Full text article in Asian Security (online subscription)</a></p>
Jo Inge Bekkevold and Kristine Offerdal. 2014. "Norway's High North Policy and New Asian Stakeholders". Strategic AnalysisJo Inge Bekkevold and Kristine Offerdal. 2014. "Norway's High North Policy and New Asian Stakeholders". Strategic Analysis<p>​This article examines the main drivers of Norway’s High North policy towards the new Asian stakeholders. The High North became a foreign policy priority for Norway in 2005, and Norway is building on the foundations of this policy by engaging new Asian stakeholders in Arctic affairs. An aspiration to impact Asian states’ views on Arctic developments early in their policy-making processes, including on the legal and institutional framework for the Arctic through diplomatic dialogue, is one factor explaining Norway’s engagement policy. Another important factor is shared interests in economic cooperation and research. Engaging Asia in Arctic affairs gives Norway an additional platform in its dialogue with Asian countries.</p>

 Books and reports about Asian security

 

 

Tunsjø&Ross (eds.) Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of China<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/Tunsjo%20og%20Ross%20forside_nett.jpg" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Tunsjø&Ross (eds.) Strategic Adjustment and the Rise of ChinaStructural and domestic variables influence how East Asian states adjust their strategy in light of the rise of China.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/Publikasjoner/strategic-adjustment-and-the-rise-of-china
Malhotra: India as an arms exporter<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/Malhotra_insight_ingress.jpg" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Malhotra: India as an arms exporterAlthough India has been involved in defence exports for a long time, the volume of its exports remains insignificant. Recently, however, the figures have been rising, thus signifying a new trend.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/Publikasjoner/ifs-insights-kronologisk-(2010-)/aditi-malhotra-india-as-an-arms-exporter
Bekkevold&Ross (eds.): China in the Era of Xi Jinping<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/Bekkevold_bok_Xi%20Jinping_ingress.jpg" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Bekkevold&Ross (eds.): China in the Era of Xi JinpingLeading scholars from the United States, Asia, and Europe examine the prospects for China's continuing rise. http://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/Publications/Books/Bekkevold Ross China in the Era of Xi Jinping

 Events

 

 

Security, strategy and Military Change in the 21st Century<img alt="" src="/media/PubImages/130516-F-XL333-538.JPG" style="BORDER:0px solid;" />Security, strategy and Military Change in the 21st CenturyOn June 9, the book Security, Strategy and Military Change in the 21st Century: Cross-Regional Perspectives was launched at IFS.http://forsvaret.no/ifs/seminar_9_june_security_21st_cent

 Staff at Centre for Asian Security Studies

 

 

Basit, SairaBasit, Sairahttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/basit_saira
Bekkevold, Jo IngeBekkevold, Jo Ingehttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/bekkevold_jo_inge
Flaten, Lars ToreFlaten, Lars Torehttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/flaten_lars_tore_en
Hsiung, Christopher WeidacherHsiung, Christopher Weidacherhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/hsiung_christopher_weidacher
Tunsjo, OysteinTunsjo, Oysteinhttp://forsvaret.no/ifs/en/tunsjo_oystein

Published 01 October 2014 15:08.. Last updated 30 June 2017 13:44.